Critically evaluate the cognitive theory of stereotyping.
B231: Social Interaction, Exam Paper 1998, Question 4.
Graeme Gordon
Stereotyping is a form of pre judgement that is as prevalent in today's society
as it was 2000 years ago. It is a social attitude that has stood the test of
time and received much attention by social psychologists and philosophers
alike. Many approaches to, or theories of stereotyping have thus been raised.
This essay evaluates the cognitive approach that categorisation is an essential
cognitive process that inevitably leads to stereotyping. Hamilton (1979) calls
this a 'depressing dilemma'.
Brown's (1995) definition of stereotyping through prejudice is the 'holding of
derogatory social attitudes or cognitive beliefs, the expression of negative
affect, or the display of hostile or discriminatory behaviour towards members
of a group on account of their membership to that group'. This definition
implies that stereotyping is primarily a group process, through the individuals
psyche's within that group. A further idea of stereotyping, defined by Allport
(1954) as 'thinking ill of others without warrant', is that people 'make their
mind up' without any personal experience. This pre judgement about a whole
group is then transferred to the stigmatisation of any individuals in that
group. It is these ideas that the essay aims to evaluate, through the cognitive
process of categorisation and the above definitions that bring about three
distinct features of stereotyping, that our cognition can be demonstrated
through.
The first characteristic of stereotyping is over-generalisation. A number of
studies conducted found that different combinations of traits were associated
with groups of different ethnic and national origin (Katz and Braly, 1933).
However, stereotyping does not imply that all members of a group are judged in
these ways, just that a typical member of a group can be categorised in such
judgements, that they possess the characteristics of the group. Still, when we
talk of a group, we do so by imagining a member of that group.
The second feature and characteristic of stereotyping is the exaggeration of
the difference between ones own group (the in-group) and the 'other' group (the
out-group). This can be traced back to the work of Tajfel during the 1950's -
'the accentuation principle' (Tajfel, 1981). Tajfel's work was specifically on
physical stimuli, and concluded that judgements on such stimuli are not made in
isolation, but in the context of other factors. Applied socially - a judgement
about an out-group relies upon other factors surrounding the judgement in
question, as well as making a statement about the in-group and the relationship
between the two groups. Through stereotyping and categorisation we exaggerate
the differences between the groups. From this comes the effect that in
believing an out-group is homogenous, through exaggerated differences, their
in-group is not - with very much less over-generalisation taking place
(Linville, et al., 1986).
The third characteristic of stereotyping is that of the expression of values.
Most stereotypical judgements of group characteristics are in fact moral
evaluations (Howitt, et al., 1989). For example, Katz and Braly (1933) studied
a group of students' attitudes to towards minority groups. They found that Jews
were attributed to being 'mean' (in terms of money), rather than they
themselves being 'spendthrifts'. Also, they found that there was a strong view
that French people were 'excitable'. This actually implies that they are
over-excitable - above the norm, as everybody is excitable, per se, and thus
there would be no necessity to mention it. Concluding from this, it is valid to
say that a value has been put on a characteristic - in this case, a
stereotypical one.
A criticism with much of this research is that participants are asked to make
judgements out of social context - in abstract situations. Howitt, et al.
(1989) say that this leads to a derogatory implication: that attributing a
group with a characteristic is also withholding others. However, stereotyping
leads to more than merely placing an adjective onto a group or category. The
cognitive processes that give reason to stereotyping are much deeper than this,
giving rise to the above characteristics.
The cognitive approach to stereotyping is that we all stereotype, at varying
levels - because of the essential cognitive process of categorisation (Brown,
1995). Howitt, et al. (1989) take this view also, and add that it is an
ordinary process of thought to over-generalise, and then protect it.
We live in a complex social environment, which we need to simplify into groups,
or categories. This simplification is present at all levels of life - it is
part of our language, distinguishing between dog and cat, male and female, and
even in the basic motives of distinguishing between food and non-food. Such
categorisation may seem linguistically simple, but is essential - for example,
the classification of elements and organisms by biologists and chemists: 'one
of the most basic functions of all organisms is the cutting up of the
environment into classifications' (Rosch, et al., 1976). However, the point
must be made that, even though language suggests so, categorisation leads to
different functions and features in non-humans and humans. For stereotyping is
not present in non-humans, thus, we may come to the conclusion that
stereotyping is possible through linguistics - this topic is discussed further
later. This categorisation also has varying depths of moral meaning, or value,
which can lead to varying levels of stereotyping. For example, the
categorisation of Catholic - Protestant in Northern Ireland. Categorisation is
seen as a way of ordering what we perceive (Billig, 1985), stimuli of the
external world that needs to be simplified, using 'iconic images, to pass into
our short-term memory' (Neisser, 1976). This simplification process transforms
James' 'blooming, buzzing confusion' into a more manageable world in which it
is easier to adapt - categorisation is a cognitive adaptation. For we do not
have the capability to respond differently to each stimulus, whether it be a
person, an object, or an event. Categorisation is important in every day life,
as well as in the most extreme of circumstances - for example, the discrimination
between friend and foe.
For categorisation to be useful, we enhance the difference between groups. This
was found to be the case at both social and physical levels, and later became
known as the 'accentuation principle' (see above). However, the distinction
between physical stimuli and 'social objects' must be made clear. We ourselves
our 'social objects', thus, we are implicated by such categorisations. As Hogg
and Abrams (1988) state: 'it would be perilous to disregard this
consideration'. This can be seen in the accentuation of out-group homogeneity
(Park and Rothbart, 1982).
Tajfel (1981) made two hypothesis on the cognitive consequences of
categorisation. First, that if stimuli are put into categories, then this in
itself enhances the difference between groups. Secondly, on a social level,
individuals of different groups appear more different from each other, and
those of the same group, more similar. Tajfel studied judgements of physical
stimuli, using two categories, and found that the extremes of these groups were
exaggerated. However, the differences within the two categories were reduced.
This was the first of many experiments testing the two hypotheses, all finding
that introducing categorisation into an otherwise undifferentiated situation,
distorts people's perceptual and cognitive reasoning, and their functioning.
Further studies have been conducted with the aim of taking these findings
beyond the physical level, and into the social context, by examining the
favouritism of the in-group over the out-groups - pre judgement, or
stereotyping.
Horwitz and Rabbie (1982) reported on an earlier experiment in which they
demonstrated this inter-group discrimination. They found that, in groups of
four people, for there to be any inter-group judgements, or biases, possibly a
feeling of interdependence was needed in addition to classification itself,
even in the most meaningless categorisation of groups. A more recent experiment
that they conducted found that, with larger group numbers, in-group - out-group
discrimination was present.
Tajfel (1981) studied the 'meaning' of a group, and found that simply belonging
to a group, of no meaning, is enough to lead to stereotyping. Simply belonging
to a group meant that subjects were put into one of two categories, that had no
group characteristics attached to them (i.e. interaction, beliefs, previous
background). Such a design has become known as the Minimal Group Paradigm. The
subjects in this particular experiment were assigned to one of the two categories
by their preferences of a group of paintings by two artists, and done so
anonymously. Using code numbers (which specified what group each subject was
in) and a set of matrices, the subjects were asked to allocate money to
different people. They found that more money was given to subjects of the same
group than the other group. With no information except group membership, this
must have been the only cause for such discrimination, maximising the
differences between the two groups.
According to Allport's earlier definition of stereotyping, such a pre judgement
must be resistant to change. Such resistance may be put down to the processes
of thinking leading to biases (Howitt, et al., 1989), as seen in the experiment
above. For us to believe that our prejudgements are correct, what we perceive
to be is what we see. For example, Duncan (1976) showed that how we perceive
the social world can be affected by our categorisations, such as , in this
case, racial stereotypes. The study found that, because black people were
stereotyped as aggressive people (by the subjects), the subjects perceived a
situation as being more aggressive, close to a fight, when played by black
actors whereas with white actors, it was seen as playful.
Such biases may also be looked at as self-fulfilling, or even self-protecting,
the 'sense of self'. This self positivity is 'natural', and as such can be
projected onto one's perception of the in-group - having similar effects at the
other end of the spectrum. That is, a negative view of an individual, projected
onto 'their' group, or the out-group. This is the reason for most stereotypes
being negative.
Our categorisation and biases can also have an effect on others. Essed (1988)
found that white stereotyping of black people had a damaging effect in job
interviews, through discomfort and unrest due to the questions asked during the
interview. This study was conducted out of the laboratory. A further example of
the effects of racial stereotyping on others is a replication of a British
government commissioned study in which a black and a white person apply to rent
a flat. The landlords pre judgement of black people through stereotyping
affected the black man's chance and legal right to rent the flat (BBC
television, Black and White, 1987). This is an example of the out-group
homogeneity effect (Brown, 1995).
As well as exaggeration of inter-group differences, another key effect of
categorisation is the enhancement of intra-group similarities, known as
inter-group homogeneity. The effect of this cognitive process of thought,
through categorisation is the perception that the out-group is more homogenous
than the in-group
Hamilton (1979) found that black families were viewed in more categorical terms
than white families, who were individually perceived. Jones, et al. (1981)
found a similar effect; that members of university clubs saw their group
members' personality traits as more diverse than out-group members'. A
criticism of this study, and the homogeneity effect as a whole, is that members
of an in-group will know their peers more than those of the out-group,
especially in terms of personality. Thus, such studies do not contribute wholly
to the cognitive explanation of stereotyping. However, the homogeneity effect
has undergone investigation by many studies, and conflicting evidence has
arisen. Nevertheless, a point that has been overlooked is that, with members of
an in-group recognising variability within their group, surely such variability
is seen by members of an out-group, within their group. This displays a
cognitive error of ignorance. Even so, there is no empirical evidence to
support such a claim.
Categorisation, according to the above, is a 'natural' cognitive process, that
'naturally' leads to stereotyping. As Howitt, et al. (1989) state: 'cognitive
dynamics [of stereotyping] are a natural part of thinking because we must
categorise the social world, and in doing so, inevitably build up stereotypical
assumptions, protected by our cognitive biases'.
The cognitive approach of categorisation does have its flaws however.
Categorisation theorists give a rather mechanistic impression of cognition, and
thus, their approach to stereotyping (Billig, 1985).
We do have a choice in our assumptions and there is a flexibility about human
thinking (Howitt, et al., 1989). Therefore, cognition is not as rigid as
categorisation implies. It is an oversimplification in itself to suggest that
language oversimplifies the world, because it is due to language that our views
of the social world can be expressed. However, language does not have to be
present for stereotyping to be present. For example, the Minimal Group
Paradigm. Even so, language aids our categorisation and thus, our stereotyping.
It is the same language that we may use to stereotype that enables us to be the
reverse. For example, in the interviews mentioned above, the interviewers could
be taught to ask non-categorical questions. As concepts in our minds, tolerance
is as easy as prejudice.
Our supposed necessity to simplify the world, as we are 'incapable' of taking
in 'every new stimulus as unique' (Park and Rothbart, 1982), may also be
balanced by a statement of the opposite: 'we would find difficulty in adapting
to a world which required action, if no new stimulus could be treated as unique,
but every unique stimulus had to be considered as similar to others' (Billig,
1985). This is the basis of Billig's argument of particularisation against
categorisation - that gives rise to the processes of individualisation -
treating and perceiving group members as individuals. Categorisation argues
that, through our 'natural' pattern of thought, or cognition, our perception of
stimuli is categorised by its similarities rather than its individuality.
Billig suggests that this can change, through a motivational process in
categorisation itself, giving flexibility to such cognitive processes.
We are aware of the possibility and ability to change. However, we do not
express this flexibility because it is a disruption of the norm, or, of the
social group-thought. Goffman (1959) views everyday life as dramaturgical ('All
the world's a stage, and all the men and women merely players...' Shakespeare).
To disrupt this would be to change the script, and break out of the conformity
of the social group, self-to-self and to others. Even so, this illustrates that
through our ability to categorise, we have the ability to particularise and 'do
more with the stimuli than accumulate more instances of predetermined
categories' (Billig, 1985).
In Billig's alternative approach to stereotyping, he also raises the point of
category selection - a problem that cognitive psychologists have often
overlooked. Tversky and Gati (1978) found that different stimuli are judged on
their similarities and differences before categorisation and this judgement can
be different depending on what way the stimuli is perceived. Billig's point is
that we must particularise before categorising and thus a link has been formed.
Categorisation implies a rigidity in our cognition. Stereotypes, by nature, are
over generalisations. Such inflexibility is not a possible process of our
cognition - 'categorisation do not exist in isolation' (Billig, 1985). As
categorisation leads to many categories, through its definition, surely only
one such category could possibly be so rigid and inflexible, as other
categories must be used by it, and thus be flexible. Therefore, categorisation
is not a rigid process, but involves change - which is reflective of our
cognition and change is possible (conflicting with Allport's definition).
The difference between two groups affects other attributes of the out-group,
including those that are similar to the in-group. By subdividing further such
similarities, we are initiating a defence against change in our attitudes and
categories. This inventiveness is another example of the flexibility of
categorisation. In the most extreme cases, this can lead to an inventiveness
demonstrated by racial theorists, which in fact, contradicts their prejudice
and rigidity of categories. This flexibility can be illustrated further by
studies that have shown that in stereotyping, people imply that most of a group
posses a stereotypic trait but not all members. Thus, is the need for 'special
cases', realisation of individualisation and tolerance (Billig, 1985).
According to the cognitive approach, stereotyping is a group process. It may
occur in groups, but it is the individual psyches that make up the group, that
project their stereotypes through a group. We do have the ability to see people
as individuals and particularise their unique characteristics. We can change,
as even categorisation is flexible, which undermines the cognitive approach
with categorisation, although it may take time on a social level.
To conclude, the cognitive approach alone does not give us an understanding of
stereotyping. However, it does anchor the fact that through our 'natural'
thought processes we do categorise, which leads to stereotyping. It also
highlights the importance of the individual and the group. There are, however,
problems that have been overlooked by cognitive psychologists which we need to
understand, in order to fully understand the 'changing dynamics and nature of
stereotyping in our society' (Howitt, et al., 1989). There is also the need to look
further than the causes of stereotyping and into its effects in order to
understand the processes of our thought, of stereotyping.
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